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                <text>Wallace, Oliver V., editor, -1928</text>
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                <text>Soldier's Letter</text>
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                <text>September 3, 1864</text>
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                <text>Kansas City, Mo.</text>
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                <text>William Edward Stubbs</text>
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                <text>&lt;a href="http://catalog.mwa.org/vwebv/holdingsInfo?bibId=490183"&gt;AAS Catalog Record&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;The &lt;em&gt;Soldier’s Letter &lt;/em&gt;was a military camp newspaper published in Kansas City, Missouri, and Fort Riley, Kansas.&amp;nbsp;It was issued by the Second Colorado Cavalry and edited by Private Oliver F. Wallace with contributions by other enlisted men and a few wives. It included poems, regiment history, rosters, features about camp life, and letters to the editor.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;The scarcity of paper meant that the stock used varied over time, some issues appearing on blank white paper, some on blue, and still others on ruled paper. Each issue was three pages and left one page blank for a soldier to write a letter and mail it home. In the issue seen here, the letter is dated September 5 from Independence, Missouri, and reads:&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;em&gt;Dear Mother&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;Nothing of interest has transpired since I sent you the last two copies of the Soldiers Letter. We are still staying in Mo and will probably remain here some time. My health is good first rate. Plenty of fun Plenty to eat and nothing to do Capt Moses was maried &lt;/em&gt;[sic]&lt;em&gt; last Thursday He givs &lt;/em&gt;[sic]&lt;em&gt; a party to &lt;span style="text-decoration: line-through;"&gt;nite&lt;/span&gt; night at his wives fathers you bet we will have a good time.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;My love to all&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;Pleas &lt;/em&gt;[sic]&lt;em&gt; write as often as convenient And believe me your dutifufull &lt;/em&gt;[sic]&lt;em&gt; son&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;Jesse. C. Strickland&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;Co. M. 2&lt;sup&gt;nd&lt;/sup&gt; Colorado Cav&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/em&gt;&lt;em&gt;Independence MO&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;Many camp newspapers during the Civil War were fleeting due to movements and fighting, but the&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Soldier’s Letter&lt;/em&gt;&amp;nbsp;lasted a remarkable fifty issues between August 1864 and November 28, 1865. The Second Colorado Cavalry was stationed in western Missouri and Kansas to protect the region against marauding Confederate guerilla groups and Native Americans. While the troops were from a territory and not a state, the&amp;nbsp;&lt;em&gt;Soldier’s Letter&lt;/em&gt;&amp;nbsp;promoted strong ties with the Union, regimental unity, and the&amp;nbsp;abolition of slavery.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>The News Letter Book for 1737. Weakly News Letters &amp; Journals.</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;Almanacs, diaries, and newspapers shared a basic structure. Each organized events by the calendar: by day, by week, by month, by year. Each was a kind of annals or chronology, and in New England there was an underlying belief that chronology, whether personal or public, had direction and meaning. A similar, but more unusual, medium for organizing the flow of events was the newspaper index. Newspapers in colonial America were considered less ephemeral than they would be by the nineteenth century. Readers often preserved them, sometimes binding them into annual volumes. They each had an issue number to help readers keep track of them and to cross-reference them. A few readers compiled their own handwritten indexes.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;One such newspaper index, the &amp;ldquo;News Letter Book for 1737,&amp;rdquo; was kept by an anonymous Boston reader and preserved, along with that reader&amp;rsquo;s copies of the &lt;em&gt;Boston News-Letter&lt;/em&gt; and the &lt;em&gt;New England Weekly Journal&lt;/em&gt;. The reader&amp;rsquo;s method was simply to list, by issue number, stories that caught his attention and to annotate some stories in the margins of the papers. For example, he briefly noted the &lt;a href="https://collections.americanantiquarian.org/earlyamericannewsmedia/exhibits/show/news-in-colonial-america/item/106"&gt;John Brocas fire&lt;/a&gt; in the margin of the &lt;em&gt;&lt;a href="https://collections.americanantiquarian.org/earlyamericannewsmedia/exhibits/show/news-in-colonial-america/item/104"&gt;Weekly Journal of March 8&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/em&gt;, and he annotated the market riot stories in the &lt;em&gt;&lt;a href="https://collections.americanantiquarian.org/earlyamericannewsmedia/exhibits/show/news-in-colonial-america/item/105"&gt;News-Letter of April 1&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/em&gt;. In his index entry for that issue of the &lt;em&gt;News-Letter&lt;/em&gt; (no. 1726) he wrote: &amp;ldquo;Boston Middle Markett Pulled Down in Night in a Riotous Manner. Lt. GovrPhypps Proclamation 100 pounds to find out the Ringleaders of it.&amp;rdquo; Throughout the index, this reader seemed especially interested in deaths, accidents, fires, and anything related to liquor&amp;mdash;for example, the &lt;a href="https://collections.americanantiquarian.org/earlyamericannewsmedia/exhibits/show/news-in-colonial-america/item/108"&gt;Hugh Henderson execution&lt;/a&gt;. However, the reader rarely made judgments or inferences. Typically, he just noted facts, though on occasion he added a laconic personal response, such as &amp;ldquo;sad&amp;rdquo; or &amp;ldquo;comical.&amp;rdquo;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Salisbury, Samuel, 1739-1818</text>
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                <text>Letter from Samuel Salisbury to Stephen Salisbury, April 20, 1775</text>
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                <text>&lt;a href="http://catalog.mwa.org/vwebv/holdingsInfo?bibId=272075"&gt;AAS Catalog Record&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;Samuel Salisbury (1739-1818) and his brother &lt;a href="https://collections.americanantiquarian.org/earlyamericannewsmedia/exhibits/show/age-of-revolution/item/64"&gt;Stephen Salisbury&lt;/a&gt; (1746-1829) were in business together importing and selling merchandise from England and the West Indies. Samuel was located in Boston while Stephen came to the central Massachusetts shire town of Worcester in 1767. Both brothers would eventually side with the Whigs, but they did so gradually and somewhat reluctantly, preferring to remain apolitical and concentrate their efforts on their private business. Eventually, Stephen would serve on several committees during the war.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;In this poignant letter Samuel describes to his brother his reactions to watching from Beacon Hill in Boston the American militia engage with the royal infantry as they retreated from Lexington and Concord. He laments the beginning of this &amp;ldquo;Civil War&amp;rdquo; that will become the American Revolution. He chides the royal government for being &amp;ldquo;backward,&amp;rdquo; that is, not forthcoming and honest about the number of causalities the troops incurred. There is also a clear sense of pride in how well the American militia fought. Yet this remarkable letter also clearly shows how difficult and uncertain the situation was at the time.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;&lt;em&gt;A transcription of the letter can be found&amp;nbsp;&lt;a href="https://collections.americanantiquarian.org/earlyamericannewsmedia/salisbury-brothers-letter-transcription"&gt;here&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Attack On the Post Office, Charleston, S.C.</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;As veterans of the Bible and religious tract movements, the founders of the American Anti-Slavery Society (AASS) believed in the power of the printed word to convert sinners, including those whose sin was slaveholding. Immediately after its founding in 1833, the society began publishing a broad range of newspapers, tracts, circulars, and periodicals. Within two years, AASS was printing more than a million copies a year. In 1835 the society launched a dramatic effort, dubbed the Great Postal Campaign, to flood the South with antislavery tracts and periodicals. This has sometimes been called America’s first direct-mail campaign. In the South the result was not conversion but outrage and hysteria. Though federal postal law guaranteed the security of the mail, Postmaster General Amos Kendall (1789-1869), a close ally of President Andrew Jackson (1767-1845), gave permission to Southern postmasters to refuse delivery of abolitionist materials. Thus, the U.S. postal service, the great nationalizing institution of the American political experiment, became an instrument of states’ rights in the realm of slavery and abolition.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;This &lt;a href="https://collections.americanantiquarian.org/earlyamericannewsmedia/exhibits/show/news-and-the-civil-war/visual-culture-and-the-civil-w"&gt;lithograph&lt;/a&gt; shows two examples of “Southern Liberty” from the abolitionists’ point of view: the mobbing of “Northern Fanatics” and the 1835 attack on the post office in Charleston, South Carolina. In Charleston a mob hauled the bags of antislavery publications out of the local post office and burned them. Southerners were especially hostile to the illustrations in antislavery materials, which they feared might fall into the hands of illiterate slaves and incite insurrection. Not surprisingly, then, the abolitionists used illustrations even more extensively in their publications—woodcuts and engravings as well as lithographs. In the Great Postal Campaign of 1835, as well as in many other episodes, the Southern attack on antislavery print media became the subject for more antislavery print media.&amp;nbsp;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;a href="http://catalog.mwa.org/vwebv/holdingsInfo?bibId=221824"&gt;AAS Catalog Record&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;&lt;em&gt;The Anti-Slavery Alphabet&lt;/em&gt; is a reader that was published in 1846 for the purpose of being sold at the Anti-Slavery Fair in Philadelphia. The fair was organized by the Philadelphia Female Anti-Slavery Society (PFASS) and raised money for abolitionism by charging a small admission fee and selling antislavery publications.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;While this popular alphabet book was published anonymously, authorship was later ascribed to Quaker Hannah Townsend (b. 1812), who worked with the PFASS, and her sister Mary (b. 1814). The sisters’ Quaker background, which encouraged equality between the sexes, likely allowed the Townsends some comfort in their activist roles, as morally educating youth was considered a socially acceptable mission for women writers.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;This book, like most antislavery and abolitionist texts, was not read in the classroom but rather would have been read in antislavery and abolitionist households as an attempt to inform the next generation about abolitionist politics and to inspire future activism. Devoid of any illustrations besides the woodcuts of each letter, hand-painted and decorated with concentric circles and diamonds, the simple design of the book directs the reader’s focus toward its activist message rather than its artistry.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;Using direct, instructive language as well as the second-person perspective, the text entreats readers to both acknowledge the system of slavery and take action to further the abolitionist cause. Its introduction, which is titled “To Our Little Readers,” urges children to take part in the abolitionist movement by imploring slave masters, educating peers, and boycotting “[c]andy, sweetmeat, pie or cake,” all of which contained sugar, a slave-cultivated staple. It then introduces troubling concepts associated with slavery, such as cotton-field labor (“C is the Cotton-field, to which / This injured brother’s driven”), corporal punishment (“D is the Driver, cold and stern / Who follows, whip in hand”), and kidnapping (“K is the Kidnapper, who stole / That little child and mother”). In the penultimate “Y” quatrain, the reader is told “Bravely to war” against slavery, and the final four lines introduce the young audience to a role model, “the Zealous man, sincere, / Faithful, and just, and true.” Though the text mainly highlights the cruelty of slavery, it also offers hope, depicting an alternative society in which the free black man is “rambling free” and “Delighting ‘neath the palm trees’ shade.”&amp;nbsp;&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;em&gt;Click the image below to browse the full book.&lt;/em&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;iframe width="240" height="350" src="https://fliphtml5.com/embed/dist/html/embed-cover.html#!/?w=0&amp;amp;bc=#000&amp;amp;p=1&amp;amp;l=http://online.fliphtml5.com/xohe/qlfg/&amp;amp;t=http://online.fliphtml5.com/xohe/qlfg/files/shot.jpg" frameborder="0"&gt;&lt;/iframe&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;a href="http://catalog.mwa.org/vwebv/holdingsInfo?bibId=152779"&gt;AAS Catalog Record&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;Just as the abolition movement harnessed the power of the printed word in &lt;a href="https://collections.americanantiquarian.org/earlyamericannewsmedia/exhibits/show/news-in-antebellum-america/item/128"&gt;newspapers&lt;/a&gt;, periodicals, tracts, and &lt;a href="https://collections.americanantiquarian.org/earlyamericannewsmedia/exhibits/show/news-in-antebellum-america/item/67"&gt;almanacs&lt;/a&gt; to spread its antislavery message, it also used printed visuals in the form of lithographs, engravings, and political cartoons. In some cases, these were based on news events related to the slavery question, such as the passage of the Fugitive Slave Act, part of the Compromise of 1850 intended to quell tension between North and South. The act forced citizens to assist in the recovery of escaped slaves, and if they were unwilling to assist or aided a fugitive in escaping, they were subject to a fine and prosecution. Likewise, the act denied fugitives who claimed to be freemen the right to a fair jury trial and put all fugitive cases under federal jurisdiction. Southerners believed that the compromise met its goals in stopping the South from seceding from the Union, at least temporarily. But the compromise made many Northerners more determined than ever to end slavery.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;This &lt;a href="https://collections.americanantiquarian.org/earlyamericannewsmedia/exhibits/show/news-and-the-civil-war/visual-culture-and-the-civil-w"&gt;lithograph&lt;/a&gt;, &lt;em&gt;Effects of the Fugitive Slave Law&lt;/em&gt;, portrays what many saw as the results of the Fugitive Slave Act. It shows four black men being shot by white men as they tried to escape capture. It is unknown if these black men were free or fugitives, though their relatively polished clothing would suggest they were free. To their pursuers, however, it wouldn’t have mattered, as under the law they could have attempted to capture them anyway. The text under the image on the left side is a quote from the Bible (“Thou shalt not deliver unto the master his servant which has escaped from his master unto thee”), and that on the right is from the Declaration of Independence. Many abolitionists invoked the “all men created equal” clause of the Declaration to argue for the end of slavery.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;The artist, Theodore Kaufman (b. 1814), was born in Germany, immigrated to America, fought in the Civil War, and then lived in Boston. He is best known for his Civil War paintings.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Charleston Mercury Extra: Passed unanimously at 1.15 o'clock, P.M., December 20th, 1860</text>
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                <text>Charleston, S.C.</text>
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                <text>&lt;a href="http://catalog.mwa.org/vwebv/holdingsInfo?bibId=205998"&gt;AAS Catalog Record&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;On November 10, 1860, after a decade of political division and just four days after Lincoln’s election, South Carolina called a secession convention for the following month. Considered by virtue of timing to be the first Confederate imprint, this &lt;em&gt;Charleston Mercury Extra: The Union Is Dissolved! &lt;/em&gt;broadside announced the convention’s declaration on December 20, 1860, that South Carolina would secede from the United States.&amp;nbsp;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Death of Col. Edward D. Baker, at the Battle of Balls Bluff</text>
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                <text>Death of Col. Edward D. Baker, at the Battle of Balls Bluff near Leesburg Va. Oct. 21st 1861.</text>
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                <text>&lt;a href="http://catalog.mwa.org/vwebv/holdingsInfo?bibId=149113"&gt;AAS Catalog Record&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;This hand-colored lithograph depicts the dramatic death of Colonel Edward D. Baker (1811-61), the only U.S. senator ever killed in battle. Like Abraham Lincoln, Baker began his political career in Illinois, and the two men developed a strong friendship. Indeed, Lincoln named his second son, Edward Baker Lincoln, after him, and his death affected Lincoln deeply.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;In June 1861, two months after the surrender of Fort Sumter, Baker defied the pacifist teachings of his Quaker faith and joined the army. On October 21 of the same year his regiment found itself in a battle at Ball’s Bluff, Virginia, where he was killed after several hours of fierce fighting. Baker was shot six times, including one shot to the head, with a revolver fired from five feet away.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;He quickly became an early martyr for the Union cause, the news of his death spurring memorials in print. This lithograph—produced by the printmaking company Currier &amp;amp; Ives—depicts a scene rather faithful to the reality of Baker’s death. Baker, with the nearly white hair that earned him the nickname “Gray Eagle,” is in the center of the print, leading his men at the front of the line. His left hand clutches his forehead, which is dripping with blood, and his torso bends back, reeling from the gunshot he has, presumably, just suffered. The Confederate who shot him is on the far right of the scene, dressed in gray and pointing his revolver at the colonel. The revolver has fire and smoke at its barrel, suggesting that the shot to the head the colonel received was just the first shot and five more are to follow.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;The Union lost most of the major initial battles of the war, making it difficult for artists and printers to produce triumphant propaganda for the Union public. While Baker is certainly not portrayed as triumphant in this lithograph, he is portrayed as a hero. Depictions of triumphant Union military heroes would appear later in the war.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Sawyer, A. R. (Adelaide R.), 1831-</text>
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                <text>The Empty Sleeve</text>
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                <text>&lt;a href="http://catalog.mwa.org/vwebv/holdingsInfo?bibId=445330"&gt;AAS Catalog Record&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;Not all news stories during the Civil War concerned battle outcomes, troop movements, and casualty lists. One ongoing news story—and one that became even more pressing as the war drew to a close—was the emotional and physical wreckage of returning soldiers.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;Drawn by a female artist, Adelaide R. Sawyer (b. 1831), this large 1866 print, &lt;em&gt;The Empty Sleeve&lt;/em&gt;, takes on as its subject the many thousands of men who returned home from Civil War battlefields missing limbs from injury or amputation. A man holds a curly-haired child, presumably his own offspring, who playfully peers into the empty right sleeve of his jacket. The target audience of the print is not entirely clear, but it evokes sympathy for the plight of amputee veterans. The playfulness of the child and the stateliness of the surroundings suggest that this soldier was able to return home and have a happy family, despite his missing limb. Yet the melancholy expression of the soldier invokes sorrow for the veteran and his innocent child and regret for the costs of war. Furthermore, the subtitle, “What a Tell-Tale Thing Is an Empty Sleeve,” leaves one wondering what tale is actually being told. One of loss and suffering? One of hope and redemption? Part of a larger sentimental selling of the war, it is quite likely that the ambiguity was deliberate, ensuring that the print would appeal to customers with either interpretation. Indeed, it proved to be a popular print and was widely distributed, first in this original version by its renowned engraver, John Chester (J. C.) Buttre (1821-93), and later by other firms who copied the image.&amp;nbsp;&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Political Cartoon</text>
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                <text>Clay, Edward Williams, 1799-1857</text>
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                <text>An Amalgamation Polka</text>
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                <text>An Amalgamation Polka. Respectfully Dedicated to Miss Abby Kelley. </text>
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            <name>Date</name>
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                <text>1845</text>
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                <text>Image and text 29.5 x 45.5 cm., on sheet 33.5 x 48 cm.</text>
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                <text>New York, N.Y.</text>
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                <text>A. Donnelly</text>
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                <text>&lt;a href="http://catalog.mwa.org/vwebv/holdingsInfo?bibId=475524"&gt;AAS Catalog Record&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;Mid-nineteenth-century visuals of African Americans were largely characterized by satire, an overexaggeration of features, and stereotypes. This lithograph is one of several in an entire Amalgamation Series created by Edward Williams Clay (1799-1857). The series depicts white and black couples marrying, socializing, engaging in typical household activities, and dancing. These were all seen as forms of racial mixing, or what was first termed amalgamation and later miscegenation, and the implications would have been clear to a contemporary viewer.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;This particular print, &lt;em&gt;An Amalgamation Polka&lt;/em&gt;, is “Respectfully dedicated to Miss Abby Kelly &lt;em&gt;[sic]&lt;/em&gt;.” By 1845, &lt;a href="http://www.americanantiquarian.org/abby-kelley-foster-papers-finding-aid"&gt;Abby Kelley&lt;/a&gt; (1811-87), soon-to-be Foster, was one of the country’s most well-known abolitionists, speaking to large audiences of both men and women throughout the nation. In this lithograph, Kelley appears to be dancing with her friend and fellow abolitionist Frederick Douglass (ca. 1818-95). Also featured in this lithograph are abolitionists William Lloyd Garrison (1805-79) (in the center with arms raised), Theodore Weld (1803-95) (behind Garrison’s partner), Maria Weston Chapman (b. 1806) (to the right of Garrison), and Robert Purvis (1810-98) (with sideburns and his back turned). Garrison may be depicted twice in this image, perhaps as befitted his importance to abolitionism. He seems to be peeking out from the back of the image, just right of center, this time wearing glasses.&lt;/p&gt;&#13;
&lt;p&gt;Though the print may appear innocuous to modern eyes, it would have preyed on the fears of many who may have disapproved of slavery but could not conceive of social equality for blacks, and certainly not of intermarriage. The over-caricatured features and the promiscuousness of those depicted suggest that immorality and mayhem would supposedly ensue from such practices. The Amalgamation Series sheds light on the attitudes of those who may have opposed slavery but would have been appalled at the depiction of blacks as members of the respectable middle class and as dancing partners and spouses of whites.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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        <name>Frederick Douglass</name>
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        <name>Political Cartoon</name>
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        <name>Slavery</name>
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        <name>William Lloyd Garrison</name>
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